Tuesday, January 13, 2015

The Drones and Democracy Debate: Commentary

            Peter Singer argues that drone technology serves to undermine democracy. “New technology is short-circuiting the decision-making process for what used to be the most important choice a democracy could make,” he writes in a New York Times piece, “blurring the civilian and military roles in war and circumventing the Constitution’s mandate for authorizing it.” Charli Carpenter responds by to Singer by raising questions about some of the assumptions which underlie his arguments. In particular, Carpenter wants to see concrete evidence that “stand-off weapons make armed conflict easier and therefore likelier,” and furthermore evidence that the increased amount conflict does in fact undermine democracy. I hope to respond to this concern (one among many) which Carpenter brings forward. The numbers show that drone attacks have in fact been increasing in frequency, and it seems clear that their use can be called into question from a legal standpoint. At least qualitatively, this seems to indicate a negative impact on democracy.  
            The frequency of drone attacks has been increasing ever since the new technology first came onto the scene. Blanchard reports that 219 drone attacks took place in Afghanistan in 2009, compared with only 74 in 2007. Furthermore, Becker and Shane describe President Obama’s seeming lack of hesitation when ordering drone strikes against foreign targets. We have quantitative and qualitative evidence that drone strikes are on the rise. Although we might question the number of casualties resultant from these attacks, it is clear the use of drones for targeted killings abroad has increased.
However, Carpenter is not convinced that, on balance, drones increase the total amount of armed conflict once everything is said and done. For example, while it might be true that the number of drone strikes is going up, other armed engagements may concurrently be decreasing in frequency as a result, perhaps due to increased combat efficiency. If this is the case, drones would actually decrease the net amount of armed conflict between states as well as any corresponding harms to democracy. This stance is a perfectly reasonable one to take, and one that certainly requires more research to come to a satisfactory conclusion on. But I don’t think this concern gets at the heart of Singer’s argument, which relates the use of drones in particular to democratic outcomes. If we only used ground troops in Afghanistan and never drones, it is plausible that the democratic undermining Singer talks about would never have changed from the status quo.
If indeed there is something unique about drone usage that leads to less democracy, however, then it follows that Singer is correct in his hypothesis. The anecdotal evidence from Singer seems compelling because the president simply does not face the kind of political backlash for using drones when compared to more conventional forces. If a drone gets shot down, no one cares – as was the case in June of 2011 when an unmanned helicopter was grounded by pro-Qaddafi forces. However, Congress made a big deal when the President notified them about a non-combat operation involving a small unit in Uganda. Even if a small risk to US lives is present, Congress wants to know. If we were using live human beings to carry out targeted killings abroad, the chances of severe political backlash are therefore much higher. Because drones eliminate this chance, the President can essentially bypass Congress with no repercussions.
But what if drones simply make “an old trend especially obvious,” as Carpenter says? Might the “war on terror” in general undermine democracy? This is certainly a plausible argument. But drones reduce the political costs that would typically be associated with the President’s use of force outside the explicit consent of congress. At the very least, this should make us concerned and lead us to another tricky question regarding the nature of social and technological change. Are drones just another tool that allows politicians to undermine democracy? Or has the development of drones itself led to the undermining of democracy? Even when framed in this way, however, it seems like drones either enable the undermining of democracy or actively facilitate it. In either case, Singer has his point.
           

11 comments:

  1. I thought that Charli Carpenter's response to Singer's article made some good points. It really is Congress seeding the authority to declare war or manage when the U.S. enters into conflict. I believe that this is really a political calculation on the part of Congress. If it goes wrong they are free to criticize the executive for the actions and make claims of executive overreach. Also by not voting on the conflict they are not politically tied to any votes of support in favor of foreign conflicts. A major reason that Hilary Clinton lost the democratic primary election was her support of the Iraq war and I think many politicians learned from that and see the targeted killing program as a way to avoid being tied to potentially unpopular conflicts.

    Additionally I would agree with Carpenter that drones are really nothing new but just the latest stage in the development of remote control weaponry. Is there any difference between the drone strikes under Obama and the cruise missile strikes previously used? Clinton ordered strikes against Sudan and Afghanistan and Reagan ordered bombing of Libya both without congressional approval.

    I do believe with the central idea that because of the lack of cost in American lives and resulting political pressure, the drone program makes ordering strikes easier. The only way that political pressure could come of this is if the fiscal cost of the drone program ever grew too high. If the U.S. was losing tens of billions of dollars worth of drones per year then Congress would likely get involved.

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    1. I think you bring up an interesting point about Congress "passing the buck" by accepting the target killing programs. Although, you might imagine that this doesn't make Singer's point about a subverted democracy any less salient, but instead shifts the blame -- shouldn't Congress be taking more responsibility?

      It might be the case that drones are simply the newest type of remote controlled weaponry. In that case, one can simply respond that Clinton's strikes against Sudan and Afghanistan as well as Regan's against Libya subverted democracy as well.

      The fiscal point is an interesting one, but it does seem unlikely that we will lose so many drones that cost becomes an issue.

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    2. I think that one of the advantages of the program is that the president is able to make the decision to order a strike quickly thus allowing the military/CIA to take out an elusive target that we may only have insight for a limited amount of time. I do believe Congress should be taking more responsibility. The challenge is, how to involve Congress without slowing down the decision making process so much that the program loses it's effectiveness? Or are there other ways outside of congressional involvement to continue using the targeted killing program effectively without going against our democratic ideals?

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    3. That's certainly an interesting question, and one that I don't have an easy answer to. There's always going to be this sort of tension between the "ethical" and the "expedient." Figuring out what the balance should be is incredibly difficult, especially given the really unreliable data on drone deaths in the status quo.

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  2. Ultimately, I read Carpenter as arguing that it is not "drones" but the ways in which drones are used that is the greatest danger to democracy. Do you think this to be true?

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    1. This seems about right. Carpenter says: "I agree with Foust and Burke that “drones” are not problems in themselves but have become a synechdoche for a broader tension between the current security environment and the legal frameworks through which we’re accustomed to thinking about and legitimizing war." So there are problems with the legal frameworks which contribute to the negative impact of any "stand-off" weapon.

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  3. I think that the way that the targeted killing and drone program are run does lead to a less than ideal form of democracy. But our desire for ideal, perfect democracy has to weighed against our desire to meet objectives in the War on Terror. I believe the solution is along the lines of what Fair suggested and that being greater governmental transparency about who is targeted, why, and the body counts. Getting congressional approval for each strike would slow down the process too much and the military would likely lose valuable targets. Greater transparency could lead to a more informed public which would create pressure for congress to act if the executive branch ever went too far with the program.

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    1. I agree that there should be more transparency and data available to us regarding body counts -- but this seems to be precisely the reason we should be very cautious about excessive use of drones. If we do end up getting good data and find out we've been killing way too many innocents, we will regret being so cavalier in our attitudes towards drone strikes.

      I realize that there are many situations where it seems like the bad guy is going to get away if we don't pull the trigger, but it's incredibly difficult to quantify the impact that letting someone go will have on our national security. At the very least, anecdotal evidence seems to indicate that the moral harms from excessive drone use have exceeded moral harms from letting terrorists get away. We can always wait until we have a clear shot at an insurgent, but we can't repair a lot of the collateral damage that results when we kill innocents.

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    2. I think that the trouble is that no policy maker or military official wants to pass on taking a shot on a target and have the next time he/she surfaces is when they are killing Americans or directing attacks. The Clinton administration had somewhat reliable data on Bin Laden's location multiple times in the 1990s and choose not to launch the strike because of the potential cost in civilian lives or that the data was unreliable and we saw how long it took to eventually kill him after that and the destruction he was able to orchestrate before his death. I think for policy makers it is a lot easier to deal with a few dead Pakistanis on the Afghan border than it is to potentially have to say they let "terrorist x" get away.

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  5. When you talk about how if we continued to use ground troops, we basically would not have to worry about the democracy argument. It almost makes it seem as if war has conditioned us to think of war in a certain way. Do you think over time people will become more accepting to more modern types of warfare?

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